Interview with Commissioner Christopher Patten, 2003, www.seetv-exchanges.com

How closer to the EU is the region one year after the first reports?

It is considerably closer than it was when I became Commissioner three and a half years ago. Progress is in many respects being remarkable. But we are demanding because we want to see reforms and to see these countries closer to the rest of the European Union as rapidly as possible. In the second report we've noted the progress which is being made for example in elections, with return of refugees, with the passage of legislation and so on. But the progress is slower that we would ideally have liked and quite a few things that we have set out in our reports last year haven't been achieved. So we will keep pressing for more to be done and above all we will press the countries of the region to show a greater sense of political ownership for the process of reform. Because, I don't think it is sensible for us to be in the situation in which we are trying to persuade in order to have things done. In order to help the economy I think it is very important that political leaders show themselves that they are the cutting edge of reform. That will insure that things move forward much more rapidly.

Lack of political will?

Sometimes there is less political will than we would like to see. I should be clear about that. However enthusiastic we are, we are determined to see this process proceed rapidly. We can't ourselves provide the political will that is lacking in the countries. I hope that during the next few months, particularly with the very important summit of Thessaloniki we will be able to ensure that everybody is keener on demonstrating commitment. Because the opinion polls suggested that that's what the people of the Western Balkan countries like to see.

Thessaloniki Summit - an opportunity to launch a new strategy for the Balkans?

I don't think that we need a new strategy. What we need is re-commitment to this one. There are ways in which it can be approved and ways in which I'm sure we can deepen the process that we have started. I'm saying that because the Stabilisation and Association Process, the name is perhaps less ideal than it should be, this is a process which is very, very like the Europe Agreements that the countries of Central and Eastern Europe signed before they became negotiating partners of the EU. I think that what is happening next year, Europe enlarging and taking ten more members, should be taken as an encouragement by countries of Southeast Europe. Because what we are asking them to do with these agreements, it is exactly what Hungary, Poland and others have done. I think that there are maybe cases demonstrating that more comprehensively. For example, in using some of the processes that we used in the enlargement so far, more proactively, like twinning, like approximation of legislation. But at the end of the day the will has to come from the countries that are our partners.

Could some instruments from the enlargement process be put in place for the Western Balkans?

Yes, there are, for example we have twinning arrangements in Albania and Croatia. We may need to do more of that. And we may need, if I can persuade the European Parliament and the member states to spend more money.

Croatia has presented its application for EU membership. Does the report support that idea?

I think that our report confirms the progress that Croatia has made. But there is still something we would like to see improved like refugee returns, like the legislation of broadcasting meet the specifications with the OSCE and the international community. And we would like to see comprehensive cooperation with the Tribunal in The Hague. We recognize that Croatia has made very, very big efforts to come closer to EU. We welcome Croatia's application to join. That will be considered in the Council of ministers in a few weeks time and my assumption is that they will then ask the Commission for an opinion on Croatia's application which we will be able to do in about a year. Croatia is making very considerable progress. Others can do this as well, but it is up to them.

The situation in Serbia is specific for the moment. Do you think that the assassination of prime minister Djindjic changes something in the relations with the EU?

I think that this tragedy reminded us of the forces of darkness which still exist in Serbia and Montenegro. The Government is quite right to give top priority to the combination of organized crime and political extremism, which threatens Serbia's future. We were pleased by the progress made by Mr Djindjic and his colleagues. I don't tell you any secret if I say that we would have liked to see things moving faster last year. We are sure that the new government and the new prime minister who we know well will take things forward more energetically and they will have a great deal of support from us. We have invested huge amounts in Serbia and Montenegro, 1,1 billion euros. We want to be generous over the coming months and years, we recognize the specific problems they face and we know that their success is terribly important to the whole region, at least economically.

Is the `stick and carrot` approach appropriate for Serbia and Montenegro?

The EU is better known for its carrots than its sticks. And I don't really think that we weal sticks. What we say is that there is the process of political and economic reform, which is necessary in order to share our institutions in due course and to be able to know that you share our views. That it what we are saying to the countries of the region. Those values include of course working with the international law and the United Nations. I hope we can help, but it is for the countries in the region to take their own political decisions and the speed with which they take those decisions is going to affect the speed with which they move towards Europe.

What is the position of Kosovo in SAP?

We don't attempt, through SAP, to make any judgement about the Kosovo status. So far, as we are concerned, the Security Council resolution 1244 we don't seek in any way to challenge that. In our judgement M. Steiner is entirely right to argue that Kosovo should concentrate on standards before it starts asking the international community to look at status. Within the SAP we recognize that whatever happens to Kosovo, it is going to be part of Europe and needs to move, as other communities of the region, towards Europe, in terms of legislation and it's implementation. SAP is suspended as far as Kosovo is concerned we are still trying to do the same with Kosovo as we encourage others.

What is the progress in Macedonia having in mind the conflict of 2001?

Lot of progress has been made in FYROM. I commend the government on the good progress they've made in what is the very difficult job, they have tough inheritance from 2001 in political terms and economically perhaps even further because negotiations have broken down with the IMF. We think that they've made a good start in imposing good ministers, they were right to take the challenging political course by establishing a coalition multiethnic government. Real problems for Skopje is to continue implementing the Ohrid Agreement, which is imperative in order to ensure continuing political stability. Second, they have to make a success of the Agreement with the IMF . We have to ensure that meeting their economic priorities is not done on the expense of their political priorities. I know there are some tensions between the two. But we believe they are trying hard and we support.

Would you welcome Macedonia's application for membership?

It is not for me to advise governments on whether they should apply for membership. I would say, and it is my judgement, that they should apply when their friends give them the advice that they are likely to get a positive response. I dont think it makes sense for countries to apply before they have put in place the basic framework which is necessary in order to have a favourable opinion.

Bosnia and Herzegovina, what is the key condition to move forward?

The key condition is that it should behave like a state. We would like to see a self-sustaining state acting like a country not like `two and a bit` countries and that is an imperative. That is why we are so committed to the so-called road map. Now we gave to BiH the benefit of the doubt even though they haven't met all the objectives from that road map. But make no mistake; unless they press ahead with the sort of changes, which have been urged, on them by the High Representative Lord Ashdown, it would be very difficult for us to provide them with a positive outcome to the feasibility study, which is the first step along the road to negotiating SAA. They have to put in place a single border custom service, a single board of collecting direct taxes, they have to behave like a state and they have in doing so, to tackle some of the problems of the organized crime and law and order and some of the problems of bureaucratic regulation which I think have to hold back the creation of jobs and to hold back the economy.

Is it possible to help BiH behave like a state?

We have been trying very hard, that is why we set up the road map three years ago. I'm pleased that now they have committed themselves to long terms reforms which have been in the interest of all the people in the country.

M. Prodi went to Albania in January to open the negotiations. What do you see as a priority in Albania?

We decided on balanced judgement to begin negotiations on the SAA. We had some concerns and I don't hide that. But we thought it was worth starting negotiations and we think it is of political significance which is why the President of the Commission himself went to Tirana to open the negotiations. There has been a more satisfactory period of political stability though it is still fragile and we know that Albania played a very responsible role in the region during some recent political crises. But there is a very long way for Albania to travel in order to deal with organised crime, in order to ensure that there is in place a good judiciary and police force, in order to ensure that legislation is properly implemented and not just passed in the Parliament. Albania's success in dealing with those issues will determine how long the SA negotiations will take. If Albania doesn't manage to work it's way pretty solidly through that agenda, than it will take longer.

The EAR is present in Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro as an implementing body. How do you assess its achievements and its role in the SAP?

The EAR has established an extremely good record for early contracting and delivery of the very substantial resources that we have committed in South East Europe. It got as good record as anyone; it is spending the large part of our regional program, which is about 4.65 billion euros over the present spending period. We are spending a lot of money, much of that money was used to deal with the big problems that people were facing in the early and mid nineties and in the last couple of years. But there is still a big spending program worth 6 hundred million plus and we will continue to be committed to investing in the success of South East Europe and it's future

Importance of the regional cooperation

We are not trying in South East Europe to recreate Yugoslavia; we are not trying to put the jigsaw back together. What we are saying is that it is our experience in EU that regional cooperation, political and economic cooperation is crucial. That is what the EU represents above all. So it would be amazing, truly surprising if the formula, which we believe is worth for us, was a formula which we declined to believe should be applied in SEE. Weather you are talking about energy, electricity market, weather you are talking about trade, cooperation and fighting organized crime, the list goes on and on. There is a powerful argument for cooperating regionally and I very much hope that with the support of the Stability Pact as well as the support of the EC and the member states of the EU we will see better regional cooperation in the future. I am particularly concerned to see a maximum of cooperation in dealing with organized crime because I think that is a cancer, which could eat away the potential success of South East Europe.